Asghar Ali Engineer is a rights activist and heads two organisations, the Institute of Islamic Studies and the Centre for Study of Society and Secularism. He has authored or edited 44 books on such issues as Islam and communal and ethnic problems in India and South Asia in general.
For links to his other
articles, please go to the top page of this site.
THE CONCEPT OF ISLAMIC STATE
Asghar Ali Engineer
(Islam and Modern Age, April, 1999)
Islamic state is a most discussed
subject both among supporters as well as among its opponents. Is there
any such concept? Can we call any state an Islamic state? There are many
claimants of course. Interestingly among the claimants are military dictators
as well as monarchs. Can we legitimately call it an Islamic state? Is there
any such criterion to judge the claim? If so, what is that criterion? Generally
some ritualistic aspects of Islam like prayer, fasting, zakat etc. are
imposed in addition to the Islamic punishments to lay claim to the Islamic
state. Will it be enough of a criterion?
First of all we should know
whether there is any concept of Islamic state in the Qur'an or Hadith literature.
A thorough examination of the scripture and Hadith literature shows that
there is no such concept of Islamic state. In fact after the death of the
Holy Prophet the Muslims were not agreed even on the issue of his successor.
The Muslims split on the question - a section maintaining that the Prophet
(PBUH) never appointed any successor and another section maintaining that
he did.
As far as the Qur'an is
concerned there is, at best, a concept of a society rather than a state.
The Qur'an lays emphasis on 'adl and ihsan i.e. justice and benevolence.
A Qur'anic society must be based on these values. Also, the Qur'an strongly
opposes zulm and 'udwan i.e. oppression and injustice. No society
thus based on zulm and 'udwan can qualify for an Islamic society. The Qur'anic
values are most fundamental. It is thus debatable whether a state, declaring
itself to be an Islamic state, can be legitimately accepted as such without
basing the civil society on these values. We will throw more light on this
later.
First of all it is important
to note that the pre-Islamic Arab society had not known any state structure.
It was a predominantly a tribal society which did not know any distinction
between a state and a civil society. There was no written law, much less
a constitution. There was no governing authority either hereditary or elected.
There was a senate called mala'. It consisted of tribal chiefs of the tribes
in the area. Any decision taken had to be unanimous and the tribal chiefs
enforced the decision in their respective tribes. If a tribal chief dissented,
the decision could not be implemented.
There was no taxation system
nor any police or army. There was no concept of territorial governance
or defense or policing. Each tribe followed its own customs and traditions.
There were of course inter-tribal wars and all adult tribals took part
in defending ones tribal interests. The only law prevalent was that of
qisas i.e. retaliation. The Qur'an put it succinctly as "And there is life
for you in retaliation, O men of understanding. " (2:179) The whole tribal
law and ethic in pre-Islamic Arabia was based on the law of retaliation.
The Islamic movement in
Mecca inherited this situation. When the Prophet and his companions faced
severe persecution in Mecca they migrated to Madina also known as Yathrib.
Madina was also basically a tribal city governed by tribal laws. Like Mecca
in Madina too, there was no state and only tribal customs and traditions
prevailed. In fact Madina was worse in a way than Mecca. In Mecca inter-tribal
wars were not much in evidence as it was turning into a commercial society
and inter-tribal corporations for trade were coming into existence. However,
Madina, being an oasis, was a semi- agricultural society and various tribes
were at daggers drawn. It was to get rid of the inter-tribal warfare that
the people of Madina invited the Holy Prophet as an arbitrator.
The Prophet, a great spiritual
and religious personality, commanded great respect and set out to establish
a just society in Madina. First of all he drew up a pact between various
tribal and religious groups known as Mithaq-i-Madina (i.e. the Medinese
treaty) which guaranteed full autonomy to all tribes and religious groups
like the Jews, the Muslims and other pagan tribes. Thus all religious groups
were free to follow their own law and tradition and there was no coercion
in such matters. The Holy Qur'an also declared that "there is no compulsion
in the matter of religion" (2:256). The Mithaq-i-Madina was a sort of preliminary
constitution of the `state' of Madina which went beyond a tribal structure
and transcended the tribal boundaries in matters of common governance.
It also laid down that if Madina is attacked by an outside force all will
defend it together. Thus for the first time a concept of common territory
so necessary for a state to operate, was evolved. Before this, as pointed
out earlier, there was concept of tribal but not of territorial boundaries.
The Prophet, in a way, took
a revolutionary step, in dissolving tribal bonds and laying more emphasis
on ideological boundaries on one hand, and territorial boundaries, on the
other. However, the Prophet's aim was not to build a political community
but to build a religious community instead. If Muslims evolved into a political
community it was accidental rather than essential. Hence the Qur'an lays
more emphasis on values, ethic and morality than on any political doctrines.
It is Din which matters most than governance. Allah says in the Qur'an
that al-yauma akmaltu lakum dinakum (i.e. I have perfected your Din today,
5:3). Thus what the Qur'an gives us is a perfect din, not a perfect political
system. The political system had to evolve over a period of time and in
keeping with the needs and requirements.
One of the basic duties
of the Muslims is "enforcing what is good and combating what is evil".
This clearly gives a moral and spiritual direction to an Islamic society.
The later emphasis on integral association between religion and politics
is, to the best of my knowledge, totally absent in the Holy Qur'an. The
Prophet was an enforcer of good par excellence and he devoted his life
to eradicating evil from society. But he never aspired for political power.
He was one of the great spiritual persons born on this earth. He strove
to inculcate spiritual power among his companions. The following verse
of the Qur'an enunciates the basic philosophy of the Muslim community.
"You are the best ummah (nation, community) raised up for people: you enjoin
good and forbid evil and you believe in Allah." (3:109)
Thus it will be seen that
the basic task of the Muslim ummah is to build a moral society based on
good and negation of evil. The unity of Muslims is possible only if they
remain basically a religious community engaged in building a just society
which has no elements of zulm (oppression and injustice), though there
may be different ways of approaching the truth. The Holy Prophet is reported
to have said that a society can persist with kufr (unbelief) but not with
zulm (injustice). The Qur'an also describes Allah as Ahkam al-Hakimin (i.e.
best of the Judges, 95:8). These are all value-giving injunctions and hence
give a direction to the society.
Islam never required Muslims
to evolve into a political community. Politics leads people basically to
power-seeking projects and aspirations for power brings about division
rather than unity. The Qur'an required Muslims to remain united and not
entertain disputes weakening themselves. "And obey Allah and His Messenger",
the Qur'an says, "and dispute not one with another, lest you get weak-hearted
and your power depart, and be steadfast. Surely Allah is with the steadfast."
(8:46)
When some one aspires for
political power they dispute with each other and thus become weak which
is what Muslims have been warned against. And in the history of Islam the
dispute between Muslims arose on the question of political power. Who should
wield political power and who should rule was the main question after the
death of the Holy prophet. Thus Muslims began to divide on the question
of power.
Various disputes arose between
different groups of Muslims even leading to bloodshed during the thirty
years of what is known in Islamic history as khilafat-i-Rashidah (period
of the rightly guided rule). This thirty year period is full of conflict
and bloodshed. Three rightly guided Caliphs out of four were assassinated.
Why the spirit of unity was lost? Why wars broke out between different
groups and parties? It was mainly on account of fights between different
aspirants for power and pelf. The first signs of these aspirations appeared
immediately after the death of the Holy Prophet.
The people of Mecca belonging
to the tribe of Quraysh claimed their superiority over others and said
that an Imam can only be from the tribe of Quraysh as they first embraced
Islam and they were most cultured and cultivated with adequate experience.
The supporters of the Prophet from Madina the Ansars, on the other, claimed
that it is they who helped the Prophet when he was driven out of Mecca
due to severe persecution by the people of Quraysh and hence they better
deserve to succeed the prophet. the Imam or Caliph, they claimed should
be from amongst the Ansars. The members of the family of the Prophet (PBUH)
felt that 'Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet and leader of the Hashimites,
was better qualified to succeed the prophet.
Thus these fissures appeared
as different groups aspired for leadership and consequently for power associated
with the'nascent Muslim state. It is also necessary to stress here that
a preliminary state structure came into existence because it was historical
and not religious need. We would like to elaborate this a bit.
As every Muslim knows the
religious duties of Muslims are to pray, fast, pay the poor due (zakat),
perform Haj and believe in tawheed (unity of Allah) and not associate aught
with Him. This is necessary for spiritual control over oneself. A Muslim
can perform these obligations wherever he/she lives. There is no need for
an Islamic state for this. A Muslim living in a non-Muslim society can
perform these obligations without let or hindrance. And even when there
is Muslim rule no ruler can forcibly enforce these obligations on Muslims.
Matters of 'ibadat (i.e. acts of worship and spiritual exercises) cannot
be coercively enforced by any authority. It is a matter between human beings
and Allah.
However, it is different
matter as far as mu'amalat (i.e. relations between human beings) are concerned.
A state has to govern these mu'amalat and ultimate aim of the state is
to set up a society based on justice and benevolence ('adl and ihsan in
the Qur'anic terms). 'Adl and 'ihsan are most fundamental human values
and any state worth its salt has to strive to establish a society based
on these values. But for this no particular form of state is needed. Even
an honest monarch can do it. It is for this reason that the holy Qur'an
praises prophet-rulers like Hazrat Da'ud and hazrat Sulayman who were kings
but Allah's Prophet's too. Even Queen Bilquis is praised for her just governance
in the Qur'an though she was not a prophet herself.
But the Qur'an is also aware
that such just rulers are normally far and few in between. The governance
has to be as democratic as possible so that all adults could participate
in it. If governance is left to an individual, or a monarch, the power
may corrupt him or her as everyone knows absolute power corrupts absolutely.
It is for this reason that the Qur'an refers to democratic governance when
it says: "And those who respond to their Lord and keep up prayer, and whose
affairs are (decided) by mutual consultation, and who spend out of what
We have given them" (42:38). Thus the mutual affairs (those pertaining
to governance) should be conducted only by mutual consultation which in
contemporary political parlance will be construed as democratic governance.
Since in those days there was no well defined practice of political democracy,
the Qur'an refers to it as `amruhum shura' baynahum i.e. affairs to be
conducted through mutual consultation which is very meaningful way of hinting
at democracy. The Qur'an is thus against totalitarian or monarchical rule.
Here a
problem may arise as far as the Shi'ah sects are concerned. They believe
in the theory of imamah i.e. only an Imam from the progeny of the Prophet's
son-in-law and his daughter Fatima can inherit the Prophet (PBUH). The
Shi'ahs, in other words, reject the concept of khilafah i.e. succession
to the Prophet through election by the people. The right to succession
is confined only to the members of the Prophet's family and it is available
to no one else. It is no doubt the very basis of the Shi'ah tradition and
faith.
But this hardly changes
the ethos of governance. The state in Iran is today a democratically elected
one. The President of Iran and the Majlis (parliament) are elective in
nature. In todays world there is no question of a ruler coming from the
Prophet's family. It was a different matter when the controversy arose
immediately after the death of the holy Prophet. A group of people then
did feel that Hazrat Ali, the son-in law of the Prophet who was rigorously
just, who had fought and won many an Islamic battle, who was one of the
bravest and most honest person should have succeeded the Prophet. He was
qualified for good governance in ways more than one. Apart from being just,
honest and brave, he was most learned as well. The holy Prophet had described
him as gateway to the city of knowledge, Prophet being the city of knowledge
himself. He was also greatly confident of his knowledge. He often used
to say saluni qabla tafquduni i.e. ask me before you loose me.
In such circumstances it
is not surprising that many people felt that Ali was much more qualified
to succeed the Prophet than any one else. His two sons Hasan and Husain
were also eminently qualified as they too were inheritors of the virtues
and qualities of the Prophet, they having been trained and brought up by
the Prophet and Ali. No one else has such an excellent opportunity to have
been so intimately connected to the Prophet and the whole Islamic atmosphere
around him.
In fact the theory of Imamah
was based on this certainty of correct religious guidance on one hand,
and, a guarantee for good and just governance, on the other. It is this
inner certitude which gave rise to the belief that the members of the Prophet's
family are most suited to guide and govern. The Shi'ahs moreover believe
that the imams were infallible and can do no wrong. But two things are
again important to note here. The governance by imam also could not be
absolute in personal terms, much less dictatorial or authoritarian. The
Imam will also have to consult the representative of the people as per
the Qur'anic injunction in 3:158 in which even the Prophet (PBUH) is required
to consult them.
This verse i.e. 3:158 is
very important verse in laying down the guidance for governance. It is
a divine statement against dictatorship or authoritarianism. The verse
reads: "Thus it is by Allah's mercy that thou art gentle on them. And hadst
thou been rough, hard-hearted, they would certainly would have dispersed
from around thee. So pardon them and ask protection for them, and consult
them in (important matters)..." Thus a ruler has to be gentle, not hard-hearted
and rough and has to act in consultation with the representatives of the
people. This verse has been addressed to the Prophet and no imam from his
family can deviate from this divine injunction.
Thus even an imam from the
Prophet's family cannot be absolutist and has to base his rule on democratic
principles. Thus even the Shi'ah theory of imamah cannot lead to absolutist
or purely personal rule. Also, an imam can be infallible in religious matters,
in laying down religious rulings. But in all secular and worldly matters
he will be bound by democratic structures of governance.
Secondly, the theory of
imamah was much more relevant as far as the close relatives of the Prophet
who lived either with him or very close to his period, was concerned. Today,
more than fourteen hundred years after the death of the holy Prophet, no
one can claim such physical closeness to the Prophet and its resultant
benefits. And even within the first century of the Prophet's death there
were many claimants for the office of Imam and the Shi'ahs were divided
into number of sects and sub-sects what of today fourteen hundred years
after the death of the Prophet who can determine the authenticity of the
claimant to the office of the imamah? The twelve Shi'ahs and also the Isma'ili-Mustalian
Shi'ahs believe in seclusion of their respective imams. No wonder than
that Iran has adopted the elective principle of governance which is what
is the ultimate aim of the Islamic scripture.
Also,
once Islam spread to vast areas of the world outside the confines of Arabia
new ethnic and racial groups were added to its fold. This proved both the
strength as well as weakness of the Islamic society. Strength as far as
rich diversity was concerned and weakness as far as complex problem and
group conflicts it gave rise to. The group conflicts got greatly intensified
even within the limited period of Khilafat-i-Rashidah which lasted
for slightly less than thirty years.
During this period number
of groups came into existence. The most powerful group was of the tribe
of Quraysh who were muhajirs (immigrants) to Madina to which they migrated
along with, or after the Prophet, to avoid persecution in Mecca. They claimed
to be the sabiqun al-awwalun i.e. those who responded to the call of Islam
earlier than others and also belonged to the tribe of the Prophet. After
the death of the Prophet they also came out with the doctrine that the
Khilafat be confined to the tribe of Quraysh. However, the Quraysh were
divided into several clans of which the clans of Hashim (to which the Prophet
himself belonged) and of Banu Umayyah were at loggerheads. Among the Qurayshites
the Hashimites and the Umayyads fought against each other for the leadership
of the nascent Muslim state. Ali and his sons (particularly Hasan and Husain)
who were claimants to the leadership all belonged to the clan of Banu Hashim.
Then there were Ansars i.e.
those who belonged to the tribes of Aws, Khazraj of Madina and who had
helped the Prophet by swearing allegiance to the Prophet and helping him
(hence Ansars i.e. helpers) migrate to Madina and supporting him vis-a-vis
his powerful opponents. The Ansars also claimed leadership of the state
after the death of the Prophet on the basis that they had helped the Prophet
and that without their help his mission would not have survived. But the
Qurayshites strongly resisted their claim to the Khilafat. Then the leaders
of the Ansars proposed a compromise and said let one from the Quraysh and
one from the Ansars share the leadership but this was also turned down
by the Qurayshites that it would lead to more conflict and confusion.
The third group was of those
Muslims who embraced Islam from amongst the conquered non-Arab peoples
of Iraqi or Persian or Egyptian or Syrian origins. The emphasis of Islam
on justice and equality of all believers was great attraction for these
non-Arab peoples. In course of a few years large number of non-Arabs, most
of them belonging to weaker sections of society converted to Islam and
demanded equal treatment. But despite strong emphasis of Islam on equality
of all believers irrespective of their social status, nationality, colour
or race, the ruling classes among Muslims were not prepared to accord equal
treatment to them. Most of the Muslims were accepted Muslims only when
they were made mawla (affiliate or associate) of a tribe. Kufa and Basra
in Iraq, Egypt, Damascus etc. became centres of these non-Arab Muslims.
Many of these non-Arab people were those captured in various wars.
As for the first group i.e.
the Qurayshites, they wielded power with the second group of Ansars being
their co-partners. These groups were contented to a great extent though
some sub-groups were not. The Hashimites, for example, were a discontented
group among the Qurayshites as the non-Hashimites had captured power. Similarly
among the Ansars who were initially the allies of the Quraysh, the younger
generation among them felt neglected.
The fact that the second
Caliph was assassinated by a discontented non-Arab slave on the dispute
about wages to be paid to him, showed the beginning of the dissidence in
early Islamic society. It reached its peak during the period of 3rd Caliph
Hazrat Usman when the non-Arab people from Egypt, Kufa and Basra surrounded
his house and murdered him in presence of his wife when he was reciting
the Holy Qur'an. Dr. Taha Husain in his book Al-fitnah al-Kubra (The
Great Insurrection) has dealt with this problem. This uprising against
Hazrat Usman was result of deep discontent found among them as they felt
completely neglected and found themselves discriminated against.
Islam had tried to usher
in a just society based on compassion, sensitivity towards other fellow
human beings, equality and human dignity. However, the well entrenched
vested interests, though pay lip service to these values, in practice sabotage
them in various ways and continue to impose their own hegemony. The weaker
sections and the downtrodden attracted by the revolutionary thrust of Islam
and its sensitivity towards them, felt disillusioned and revolted. This
revolt brought about near anarchy in society and resulted in civil war
in which thousands were killed.
There was yet another group
of Bedouins who lived in desert and resented the hegemony of the urban
elite. They considered the Khilafat as an urban rule imposed on them. They
were not accustomed to submission to any authority. Thus in the Battle
of Camel fought between the fourth Caliph Hazrat Ali and Amir Mu'awiyah,
the bedouins seceded from the army of Hazrat Ali and raised the slogan
"al-hukmu lillah" (i.e. Rule of Allah). They adopted extreme postures and
caused much bloodshed in the early history of Islam.
Ultimately the Umayyads
captured power and Khilafah was converted into monarchy. Maulana Abul A'ala
Maududi has thrown detailed light on it in his book Khilafat aur Mulukiyyat.
Thus we see that the Islamic society went through great deal of turmoil
and bloodshed and could not evolve a universally acceptable form of state.
When the Abbasids overthrew Umayyads in the first half of the second century
of Islam, there again was great deal of bloodshed. When the Abbasids captured
power, some Umayyads fled to Spain and established their own rule there.
Now there were two Caliphs simultaneously in the Islamic world. Earlier
the theory was that there could be only one Caliph or Imam at a time. Now
that theory had to be revised in view of the empirical reality and two
Caliphs at a time were accepted. But still later at the end of 2nd century
of Islam the Fatimid Imams established their rule in Egypt and now there
were several rulers at a time in the Islamic world. The Abbasid Caliphs
were also reduced to nominal heads of the state as the Buwayhids and Saljuqs
captured powered and wielded real authority. They came to be known as Sultans,
the real power behind the Abbasid caliphs. The Islamic political theory
had to undergo change again. Now by and large non-Quraysh were wielding
power and hence the theory of Quraysh alone becoming caliph had to be abandoned.
Earlier the Kharijites (Seceders) who were mainly Bedouins and hence non-Qurayshites
had rejected the theory that only a Quraysh could become the caliph.
Thus we see that the political
theory of Islam had to undergo frequent changes to accommodate the empirical
reality. It is, therefore, not possible to talk of an 'Islamic State' with
a sense of finality. It is extremely difficult task to evolve any ijma'
(consensus of Muslims) on the issue. Today also there are several Muslim
countries with as varied forms of state as monarchical to dictatorial or
semi-dictatorial to democratic. All these states, however, call themselves
as 'Islamic State'.
The forms and structures
of state are bound to vary from place to place and time to time. It would
be very difficult, for example, to create a democratic state in a feudal
society. Thus the Qur'an does not give much importance to the form of state
but greatly emphasises the nature of society. While the state is contingent
the society based on values like justice, equality, compassion and human
dignity is a necessity in Islam. And needless to say in our time it is
only a democratic state with widest possible power-sharing arrangement
which can guarantee such a society. Also, as per the Qur'anic teachings
the Islamic state should guarantee equal rights to all ethnic, racial,
cultural, tribal and religious groups. The Qur'an considers racial, national,
tribal and linguistic differences as signs of Allah and indicative of identity
(see 30:22). It also accepts the right of other religious communities
to follow their own religion and it also accords equal status to men and
women (see 33:35 and 2:228). The Qur'an accepts plurality in society as
will of Allah (5:48).
Thus in view of all this
an Islamic state should have following characteristics: 1) It should be
absolutely non-discriminatory on the basis of race, colour, language
and nationality; 2) it should guarantee gender equality; 3) it should guarantee
equal rights to all religious groups and accept plurality of religion as
legitimate and 4) lastly it should be democratic in nature whose basic
premise will be human dignity (17:70). Only those states which fulfill
these criteria can be construed to be Islamic in nature. Thus an Islamic
state is the very epitome of modern democratic pluralistic state.
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